The Iron Lady: Thatcher and the Unions

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Margaret Thatcher is undoubtedly one of the most influential prime ministers of the 20th century, if not in all of British history. The effects of her transformation of the housing markets, restoration of national pride and financial deregulation can still be felt in the edifices of British society today. One critical turnaround that defined Thatcherism was the so-called ‘defeat’ of the trade unions. Prior to Thatcher’s first electoral victory in May 1979, the Tory government under the leadership of Edward Heath, and the Labour government under James Callaghan, had been toppled by trade unions’ immense power in Britain. By Thatcher’s resignation in 1990, the role trade unions would play in Britain had been completely revolutionised.

In August 1971, Prime Minister Edward Heath passed the Industrial Relations Act, aiming to reduce the legal influence of Britain’s trade unions by balancing the rights of workers with that of the unions, and thus reducing the likelihood of strikes. Heath’s proposed Industrial Relations Act established two new legislative bodies: the National Industrial Relations Court (NIRC) and the Industrial Relations Commission (IRC). The former was established on 1 December 1971 and had the authority to adjudicate on industrial disputes. It also introduced the concept of ‘unfair industrial practices’, which could lead to legal actions against employers and trade unions.

The trade unions were required to register with both governing bodies. Those who did so would reap a number of benefits, including improved rights of recognition by employers and better protection against unfair dismissal. Conversely, Unions that failed to register would be liable for claims for damages.

What ultimately toppled the Industrial Relations Act was a mass reaction of non-compliance. The Trade Unions Congress and most major trade unions refused to register with the NIRC, and there were numerous high-profile confrontations between the government and protesting union members, most notably the jailing of the ‘Pentonville Five’.

In July 1972, five shop stewards in East London were arrested for refusing a court order to stop picketing (protesting outside) a container depot. The arrest of the ‘Pentonville Five’ sparked such outrage that a successive series of strikes effectively rendered Britain in an unofficial national strike. With pressure mounting, Heath took a U-turn and repealed the act, marking the government’s first significant capitulation to the unions.

The second significant development concerning the trade unions was the infamous winter of 1978-1979, remembered as the harrowing Winter of Discontent. Under Callaghan’s Labour government, industrial unrest and public strikes spiralled out of hand. A combination of crippling inflation and demands for wage increases left the government without the means nor the will to stand up to the trade unions.

In Liverpool, the image of rotting piles of garbage accumulating in the famous St. John’s Gardens, adjacent to St. George’s Hall, became emblematic of the Winter of Discontent. In London, Trafalgar Square became a hub for protests and large-scale gatherings of frustrated public sector workers. The crisis of the Winter of Discontent led to plummeting confidence in Callaghan’s government and set the stage for Thatcher’s rise to power, and her ensuing battle against the unions.

When Thatcher took the mantle in the battle between government and union in 1979, she learned from the failure of her predecessors and took a strategic, incremental approach. Thatcher’s first move against union dominance was the 1980 Employment Act: not as radical as Heath’s Industrial Relations Act, yet more aggressive than Callaghan’s stance. Thatcher’s act banned secondary picketing and mandated secret ballots for union elections. It also increased the rights of employees who refused to join the unions. Promoting individual rights dominated Thatcher’s era, which made its way into the Employment Act of 1980, encouraging a shift away from collective bargaining and industrial action.

As Thatcher’s government prepared itself for a confrontation with the unions, it fortified its position by strategically appointing hardline ministers such as Norman Tebbit and Ian MacGregor. Moreover, in anticipation of a miner’s strike, the government began stockpiling coal.

The Great Miner’s Strike from 1984 to 1985 proved to be a defining clash between the government and trade unions. Thatcher’s government was pitted against Arthur Scargill, the National Unions of Mineworkers president. Bitter confrontations between miners and police marked the strike and symbolised the struggle between trade unions and Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government. Despite mass support and a year-long standoff, the strike ended without achieving its goals.

 The Battle of Orgreave was a pivotal and violent confrontation between miners and police during the UK miners’ strike on June 18, 1984, at the Orgreave coking plant in South Yorkshire. This clash, which saw police charges on horseback and miners’ pickets, became one of the strike’s most controversial and iconic moments, symbolising the intense hatred between the striking workers and the state. Ogreave revealed Thatcher’s willingness to tackle the union head-on and mobilise the police force to tackle the unions.

Margaret Thatcher’s legacy in dealing with trade unions is marked by a decisive shift in the balance of power from unions to employers and the government, a feat her predecessors had been unable to achieve. Thatcher successfully reduced union influence through a series of calculated legislative reforms, strategic preparations for industrial disputes, and a steadfast stance during the miners’ strike of 1984-1985. This change has had enduring effects on the landscape of the UK today.

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